Showing posts with label National Conference. Show all posts
Showing posts with label National Conference. Show all posts

Friday, September 10, 2010

Accession of J&K is Complete By Mahesh Kaul

Accession of J&K is Complete 

By Mahesh Kau



The partition of the Indian subcontinent should be seen in the perspective of the Anglo-Muslim alliance that was forged by the British to retain their strategic foothold in the Indian subcontinent to have an access to the Russian activities and the appreciable influence on the Central Asian region mainly in terms of oil reserves. As the oil reserves were in the domain of the Central Asian and Middle Eastern Islamic countries and regions so the British encouraged the separatist Muslim sentiment in India to impress the Muslim World and at the same time kept the nationalist movement for the Indian independence under check, which the British viewed as the “Hindu Nationalist” upsurge. 

Kashmir problem is the outcome of the “Great Game” which the British played to keep the separatist Muslim element alive to keep its stakes high even though —the World War II had changed the dynamics of the strategic world order. This move was further meant to make the northern Indian borders weak and pregnable forever and result is the present Kashmir crisis. It was a clear move to sow the seeds of the balkanization of the Indian Union. 

The process of maintaining the checks and applying brakes on the Indian nationalists were already devised by the British well before 1947 and M.A. Jinnah was a British prop to materialize the separatist Muslim claims for the partition of India. 

These ploys and what was going on in the British mind has been revealed by Krishna Menon, who was close to the British circles, in the following words to Lord Mountbatten well before the partition on 14June 1947,


“Is this frontier of (the northwest of India abutting Afghanistan and Iran) still the hinterland of the Imperial Strategy? Do British still think in terms of being able to use this territory and all that follows from it? There is considerable amount of talking in this way; and if Kashmir, for one reason or another, choose to be in Pakistan, that is a further development in this direction. I do not know of British policy in this matter. I do not know it whether you know it either. But if this be the intent, this is tragic—.As it becomes more evident, the attitude of India would be resentful and Britain’s’ hold on Pakistan would not improve it.” 

Menon was pointing towards the British strategy of using the West Pakistan as a base to stop the Soviet expansion towards the Indian Ocean, Afghanistan and the Persian Gulf and secondly he implied that was the British policy so “subterranean” that even the Viceroy was ignorant about it? These intrigues shaped the Kashmir problem and result is the present state of chaos and desperation. 

Accession of the J&K state to the Indian Union needs to be understood by keeping in mind the traits of the British and the separatist Muslim mindset of the Muslim League nurtured by the imperial policy makers to divide India to suit their strategic hold on the Sub continent. 

There is a false premise on which the J&K’s Accession to India is always understood by certain vested interests “That the Radcliffe Boundary Commission award giving Gurdaspur District to the Indian East Punjab was announced on august 17, 1947, two days after the new Dominions of India and Pakistan had already come into being.” It is totally absurd. 


Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, Lord Louis Mountbatten and M.A.Jinnah 

The demarcation of the areas that would go to Pakistan was already devised by the British well before 1947, the partition year. Its blueprint was already prepared by the Viceroy Lord Archbald Wavell in 1946 to forge an alliance with the Jinnah’s Muslim League; the foundation of this unholy alliance was laid in 1940-41 by his predecessor Linlithgow to project M.A.Jinnah as the sole spokesman of the “Muslim India” 

The same blueprint was kept under cover till the opportune time came in 1947 for the British withdrawal. It was deliberately kept in abeyance so that the finger of suspicion for the vivisection of India is not raised on the British Empire. 

Narender Singh Sarila, who was an ADC to the last Viceroy, Lord Louis Mountbatten was a witness to the British decisions and policy. He has observed candidly in his book The Untold Story of India’s Partition that ”secret archives cannot be depended upon to reveal the entire picture. Many decisions that are taken by government are never committed on paper or, if so committed, are not revealed, even after the probationary period for keeping them under wraps has lapsed. For instance , Lord Mountbatten’s reports to London, sent after 15 August,1947 while he was the governor-general of India, have not been unsealed even after almost sixty years, thereby depriving us information surrounding British policy on Kashmir”. 

Lord Wavell was constantly in touch with the Secretary of State in London. His blueprint for the partition was being taken seriously in London. On 29 January 1946, secretary of State revealed the British policy by stating in a telegram to Wavell that “It would help me to know when I may expect to receive your recommendation as regards definition of genuinely Muslim areas if we are compelled to give a decision to this (Partition).” 

Gurdaspur district was not incorporated into the Indian Union after the partition, Wavell’s partition plan forwarded to London on 6-7 February 1946 makes it clear as to what was in store for millions of people of the Indian subcontinent. His partition plan which was implemented by his successor Lord Mountbatten reads,
“(1) If compelled to indicate demarcation of genuinely Moslem areas I recommend that we should include (a) Sind, North—West Frontier Province, British Baluchistan and Rawalpindi, Multan and Lahore Divisions of Punjab, Less Amritsar and Gurdaspur districts.... 
(2) In the Punjab the only Moslem —majority district that would not go into Pakistan under demarcation is Gurdaspur. Gurdaspur must go with Amritsar for geographical reasons and Amritsar being the sacred city of Sikhs must stay out of Pakistan...”. 

Therefore it becomes clear that the decision regarding the Gurdaspur district was taken well before partition and the argument regarding its inclusion in the Indian Union after the partition does not hold any ground as it is far from the historical fact made amply clear by Lord Wavell’s partition plan. 

So the point raised by the fifth columnists and other left liberal intellectuals that “Maharaja Hari Singh could not accede to the newly created Indian Dominion and the Indian Prime Minister, Pt.Jawaharlal Nehru could not accept such a request on or before August 15,1947 because under the provision of July 1947 Indian Independence Act passed by the British Parliament, Pathankot tehsil at that time, the only geographical link of J&K, was located in Gurdaspur District of west Punjab which had been notified under the aforesaid Act as part of Pakistan is the falsification of the reality”. 

Another observation by these individuals that “The Maharaja Sahib had therefore no other option than to think of Standstill Agreement with both new Dominions of India and Pakistan and making Jammu and Kashmir an Eastern Switzerland of Asia is another misinterpretation of constitutional realities and the facts”.


As the India under the British was composed of the British India and the Princely states which accepted the British Paramountcy, the rulers of these states were thus bound to accede to one of the Dominions and there was no provision for the Independent existence. The celebrated political scientist Prof.M.K.Teng in the preface to his book titled Kashmir the Myth of Autonomy has cleared this misconception regarding the accession of the J&K and other princely states to the Indian Union.


He writes, “The partition of India did not envisage the accession of the Princely states to the Dominion of India and Pakistan on the basis, the British India was divided. The partition of India left the states out its scope and the transfer of power accepted the lapse of the Paramountcy the imperial authority the British exercised over the States. The accession of the states to India was the culmination of a historical process which symbolized the unity of the people in the British India and the Indian States”. 

It is a populist view in order to cover the truth regarding the accession that Maharaja Hari Singh was trapped and was hence indecisive to accede to India. To clear this misconception further Prof. M.K.Teng writes , “In 1947 , when Jammu and Kashmir acceded to India, the ruler of the state ,Maharaja Hari Singh signed the same standard form of the Instrument of Accession, which the other major Indian states signed. The accession of the state to India was not subject to any exceptions or pre-condition to provide for any separate and special constitutional arrangements for the state. Neither Nehru, nor Patel gave any assurances to Hari Singh or the National Conference leaders that J&K would be accorded a separate and independent political organization on the basis of the Muslim Majority character of its population.” 

Thus the above analysis makes it crystal clear that the accession of the Jammu and Kashmir State to the Indian Union is complete in the constitutional manner. And the role played by Maharaja Hari Singh is that of a true patriot and democrat. 

Writer is a Ph.D. scholar at the CHTM, Center for Hospitality and Tourism Management, Faculty of Management Studies, University of Jammu, Jammu and Chairman, Heritage Initiative Foundation. 

Thursday, July 15, 2010

Sheikh Abdullah: The Tragic Hero of Kashmir by Ajit Bhattacharjea

Vice President releases the Book ‘Sheikh Abdullah: The Tragic Hero of Kashmir
Tuesday, September 30, 2008

New Delhi: The Vice President of India Shri M. Hamid Ansari released the book entitled 'Sheikh Abdullah: The Tragic Hero of Kashmir' authored by veteran journalist Shri Ajit Bhattacharjea at a function here today.

The book is a well documented account of the life of Sheikh Abdullah who contributed crucially to the making of modern India in terms of territory and more importantly to its founding ideology of secularism. Drawing upon a wide range of sources, the author takes us through Sheikh Abdullah's long, tragic periods of detention until he was persuaded to return to Jammu and Kashmir as Chief Minister.

Shri Farooq Abdullah, son of late Sheikh Abdullah, Shri Omar Abdullah, grandson of late Sheikh Abdullah, Shri Ghulam Nabi Azad, former CM of J&K, Prof. Mushirul Hassan, VC of Jamia Islamia and many dignitaries were present on the occasion.

Following is the text of the Vice President's address on the occasion:-

"This book is living history at its best. It is the record of happening of a generation that is all but gone. For this reason alone, it is invaluable. It is also a profoundly disturbing book. It reinforces the view that we are still in the process of learning about the momentous events relating to J&K in the early years of our independence.

There are snippets of information that help a reader understand a shade better the role of the principal actors. There are insights which are invaluable. The book does need to be read with some diligence, preferably with other material now in the public domain.

Some of the events mentioned and documented in the book have a contemporary relevance. Nehru's emphatic observations on the impulses behind the Jammu agitation in 1952-53 are a case in point. Sheikh Abdullah gave vent to his sentiments in the speech of July 31, 1952 and Nehru stated the Indian position in his long letter of June 1953.

Two factors mentioned in the book are critical to the understanding of the approaches of different actors in J&K. The first relates to the pre-August 1947 period in which the focus of the struggle of people of the Valley was not against the British but against the Maharaja's rule. The second is the impact on the Jammu region of the land reforms implemented by the National Conference government.

Even a serious book on a serious subject recounts some humourous episodes. I found two rather amusing. 

The first cites V.P. Menon's account of the instructions given by Maharaja Hari Singh to his ADC on October 26, 1947. 

The second we have on the authority of Foreign Secretary Gundavia; it relates to a discussion in early 1964 between Nehru and his Director of Intelligence Bureau. The latter dilated on the strength of legal case against the Sheikh; what followed was a typical Nehruvian outburst: 'If a damned thing cannot be proved in four years and in six years, there's obviously nothing to be proved'."

Monday, July 12, 2010

Asiya Andrabi, leader of the separatist Kashmiri women's group Dukhtaran-e-Millat (Daughters of the Nation) -- she reveals the Talibanesque mindset of a woman who's known as Malka-ul-Maut (Angel of Death)

Asiya Andrabi, leader of the separatist Kashmiri women's group Dukhtaran-e-Millat (Daughters of the Nation) -- she reveals the Talibanesque mindset of a woman who's known as Malka-ul-Maut (Angel of Death)


Courtesy source : http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?232194

It is in downtown Srinagar that I meet Asiya Andrabi, leader of the separatist Kashmiri women's group Dukhtaran-e-Millat (Daughters of the Nation). One has heard stories about her spraying paint on women who do not wear burkhas. She is known to have sent burkha-clad activists to burn Valentine's Day cards and posters, raid liquor shops, and restaurants boasting special seating arrangement for couples. 

Her organisation was banned in the '90s and Asiya was underground till 2004. Meanwhile, she married a mujahideen, currently serving life sentence in an Indian jail. Yet, despite this record, when she takes off her veil, Asiya looks like a middle-aged woman who'd be more comfortable in a kitchen rather than painting anti-America and anti-Israeli placards. In Asiya's first major interview to the mainstream Indian media, she reveals the Talibanesque mindset of a woman who's known as Malka-ul-Maut (Angel of Death) and represents the extreme Islamist fringe of the homegrown militancy in Kashmir. 


Excerpts from an interview to Aditi Bhaduri: 

Tell me about yourself. What made you launch Dukhtaran-e-Millat? 

In 1981, I started a school. I gathered women—it was a door-to-door campaign. I wanted them to know the tenets of Islam and the status accorded to women. From one school, we went on to have units in six districts of the Valley. In 1987, we called upon women to come out and protest peacefully against the portrayal of women in the nude. But I also questioned the accession of Kashmir since I strongly believed that Kashmir is not a part of India. So, my office was raided and sealed. The police had an arrest warrant for me. I went underground for 21 days. 

When I resurfaced in '88-89, the anti-India movement had started. We were the first to join that movement both morally and politically. But as far as the militancy was concerned, we gave a call to our men that this was their job and not ours. As far as my ideology was concerned—if the men want to fight India militarily, they could do that, we women would be with them—we would look after their houses and their children. But practical military action cannot be carried out by women. 

Then, in 1990, our organisation was banned and in 1993 I was forced to go underground. Meanwhile, I got married to a mujahid with a militant organisation fighting against India. I was underground till 2004. 

What kind of support was your organisation providing to the militants? 

It was moral support that we gave to the mujahideen. We mobilised the people and told them of the problems faced by the Kashmiris. How India has occupied it illegally and how we must treat India as an aggressor. This is something we have to educate the people about and this is the work our women were doing. 

What is Dukhtaran-e-Millat all about? 

My organisation has a religious basis. It all started with my reading the Holy Quran, and the Holy Quran tells us that there is only one Lord. We believe in the oneness of Allah the Almighty. The whole universe has to be governed by the laws of Allah the Almighty. 

So, the strong belief of Dukhtaran-e-Millat is that we want the whole universe to be governed by the laws of Allah the Almighty. Based on Islamic teachings, we are fighting against India. I am telling you that this is Islam, this is my religion. 
  
'I don't believe in Kashmiriyat or nationalism. I believe there are just two nations, Muslim and non-Muslim.'

I don't believe in Kashmiriyat, I don't believe in nationalism. I believe that there are just two nations—Muslims and non-Muslims. I am a Muslim; I am least bothered whether I will be called a Kashmiri. I'm Andrabi, I'm from the Syed dynasty. I'm not actually Kashmiri, I'm Arab, my ancestors had come from Arabia to Central Asia. I believe in Islamic nationalism. 

So as far as our ideology is concerned, Kashmir is not a part of India because united India was divided on the basis of religion. No one can deny this fact. We want our future too to be solved on the basis of religion. 

This means you don't believe in nationalism, but in the ummah (the concept of a global Islamic community)? 

Yes, very much so. 

Don't you think that that is a big farce now? And what would be your contribution in creating an ummah? You can see how ineffective even the Arab countries are in solving the problem in Lebanon... 

You know there are hundreds and thousands of movements. It's not only Dukhtaran-e-Millat which is working in this field. There are movements working locally, everywhere. But they should be united. Islamic teaching says there should be one ummah and we have one leader—Prophet Mohammed. The ummah is one unit and we are working on this. This is not just the job of Asiya. It may not be completed in my lifetime. It may be Asiya's son or grandson. It is a goal which has to be achieved and it may take time, it may take hundreds of years. 

This, then, is your long-term goal? 

Yes, this is a long-term goal. And the short-term goal is that we want accession with Pakistan. Not with the idea of Pakistani nationality but inshallah Kashmir will become part of Pakistan, if not today, then some day, it may take decades. However, I do not call myself a Pakistani but a Muslim. Maybe if one day Kashmir will be liberated, I will not be in Pakistan, but somewhere else—part of the Muslim ummah. 

What is the approximate numerical strength of your organisation? 

I can't tell you that for security reasons. We have a president, I am Dukhtaran-e-Millat's president, we have a general secretary and then we have our central Shura in which we have two members from each district. Then, there are district presidents and district councils. We also have a publicity secretary. 

And you have links with other similar organisations outside India? 

Yes, we have links with those who are close to us as far as our ideology is concerned. We have interactions with them and regular contact with them. We can't travel outside Kashmir and we don't have passports. 

Under the PDP government, people feel that there has been a change for the better. Do you feel you have become irrelevant? 

I don't care whichever government is in power. I don't think there is any difference in governments—PDP, Congress or the National Conference. Because they are puppet governments taking orders from Delhi. So, I don't think that there will be any change. 

People accuse you of being a RAW agent. What would you say to that? 

Who has said this? Where have you heard this? I have said that I am against India, how can I be a RAW agent? I am neither an Indian nor a Pakistani agent. I am not anyone's puppet.



Asiya Andrabi, leader of the separatist Kashmiri women's group Dukhtaran-e-Millat (Daughters of the Nation) -- also known as 'malika-e-maut' or 'malika-ul-maut'

Jammu Kashmir & Laddakh

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